Struggle in Soviet Russia

It is precisely because he does not have much ambition that he can be tolerant of Victor, a high-ranking cadre who has risen rapidly at a young age. It is also because he does not have much ambition that he can pay more attention to Comrade Stalin's attitude. Since Comrade Stalin valued Victor , Comrade Molotov will naturally treat him differently, not to mention Victor had helped him before.

"Before I took over the work of the International Department, I knew that the work of this department is more complicated," Victor sat on the sofa, casually took half a pack of cigarettes from the coffee table in front of him, took out one and lit one, then shook his head and smiled. "But after I officially took over the related work, I found that the complexity of the work is much higher than I thought before."

The pack of cigarettes that Comrade Molotov put on the coffee table is not a good cigarette, it is the "Guardian" produced by the alliance itself. This kind of cigarette is also a very good cigarette within the alliance, but compared to imported cigarettes from the United States The cigarettes of the cigarettes are still somewhat different, mainly because the types of cigarettes produced by the alliance are distinguished. Most of them are Mahe cigarettes. Since his rebirth, although Victor has adapted to the taste, he still has not been able to fully Accept this type of smoke.

At this moment, he took a puff of cigarette, only to feel as if shredded tobacco was mixed in his mouth, very awkward, he unconsciously pressed the tip of his tongue against his upper lip, spit out a sip, and then continued: "I think, to completely If you get used to it, it will probably take a while.”

Comrade Molotov smiled and nodded without interrupting. As a senior veteran cadre, Comrade Molotov is definitely an experienced old man. After receiving Pavlov's report today, he can roughly guess the reason why Victor asked to meet him.

The "competitive and cooperative relationship" between the Central International Department and the People's Committee of Foreign Affairs is not the first day that it appeared. What is a competitive relationship? It is a delicate relationship in which competition is mixed with cooperation. This relationship has been maintained between the two departments for a long time. It can be said that since 1941, Molotov and Dimitrov, After taking over the leadership of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs and the Comintern successively, this relationship has already arisen.

However, in the wars of the past few years, on the one hand, it was because of the special work of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs, which required frequent dealings with the United Kingdom and the United States, and on the other hand, Molotov's position in the CPSU Central Committee was much higher than Dimitrov is a Bulgarian. Therefore, the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs has always held the head of the Central International Department. The latter not only supervises and controls the work of the former, but even asks the ability of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs to work. No.

This situation continued until Comrade Zhdanov returned to Moscow from Leningrad and resumed his job as head of the Central International Department. Although he did not directly participate in the work of the Central International Department, he supported many The problems are not the same as before.

To give a simple example, during the war in the past few years, any foreign affairs activities of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs, applications or reports submitted to the International Department of the Central Committee will be approved without compromise. According to the working principles of the CPSU Central Committee, diplomatic The People's Committee's foreign affairs activities really need to be reported to the International Department of the Central Committee. Anyone who wants to go abroad and participate in any international conferences and other activities needs the approval of the International Department of the Central Committee.

After Comrade Zhdanov returned to Moscow, things changed. The applications or reports made by the People's Committee of Foreign Affairs were always carefully reviewed, and some applications were actually called back and were not allowed to be processed.

In addition, as the chairman of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, Comrade Molotov certainly knew about the report submitted by Comrade Zhdanov earlier, and he also knew what the purpose of Comrade Zhdanov's request to expand the Central International Department was. At this time, as the first deputy minister of the Central International Department, the first problem to be solved after taking office must be Comrade Zhdanov's report - even if Comrade Zhdanov is not personally responsible for the daily affairs of the Central International Department work, he is also nominally the direct superior of Victor, the first deputy minister. The direct superiors directly suggested the construction work of the unit, but he, the first deputy minister, ignored it. It was obviously his problem, Victor. Although he climbed up quickly and lacked experience in certain jobs, he still couldn't make a mistake.

Therefore, Comrade Molotov speculated that Viktor's request to meet him today should be to resolve Comrade Zhdanov's report.

From the standpoint of himself and the People's Committee of Foreign Affairs, Comrade Molotov certainly did not want to see this report formally submitted to the Central Committee for discussion. Therefore, as the first deputy minister of the International Department of the Central Committee of Trust, Viktor did not sign the report. The best yet. But from Victor's standpoint, Comrade Molotov also knew that this young man was very difficult to do, because he had to sign the word, otherwise, his work in the Central International Department would not be easy to start.

Comrade Molotov is already very tolerant if he can consider the issue from Victor's standpoint. Of course, his tolerance is not for everyone. With so much trust, I am afraid that Comrade Molotov will not think so much for him.

To put it bluntly, it is a sentence. How much a leader can consider for you depends on how much weight you have in the leader's mind. If you have enough weight, your embarrassing leader can see it. If you don't have enough weight, who cares if you live or die.

Based on this, today Viktor can request to meet with Comrade Molotov and talk about this issue candidly. Comrade Molotov is still very happy. The matter itself is put aside first, at least he thinks that this young man has enough respect for himself. of.

Seeing that Comrade Molotov remained silent, just smiled and did not speak, Viktor could only continue: "Yesterday I received a letter from Comrade Savatsky, our Polish friends are asking us for assistance, they need to rebuild Warsaw ."

Savatsky refers to Alexander Savatsky, one of the leaders of the Polish Workers' Party and currently serving as the Polish State Councilor. What's interesting is that Victor knew this person in his previous life, and he met in the time-travel drama called "Hitler is Back". Is a **** director......

The Savatsky here, of course, has nothing to do with the Savatsky in the TV series, and as for the letter Viktor received, it has nothing to do with the movie.

As we all know, Warsaw was almost completely destroyed in World War II, in Hitler's words, it was wiped from the face of the earth as a city.

After the end of World War II, the Polish United Workers Party established the provisional government in Lublin, and the Polish Military Management Committee established by the alliance at that time was also established in Lublin. Since then, on the issue of choosing the capital, the Polish United Workers' Party and Moscow have had differences. Moscow's opinion is to let the Poles abandon Warsaw, the former capital, and make Lublin their new capital. , the newly liberated Poland can save a lot of construction costs.

However, within the Polish United Workers Party, no matter which faction it is, they do not agree with Moscow's proposal. They insist on setting the capital in Warsaw, because for the Polish nation, the city of Warsaw has a special meaning.

This debate continued for a long time until the Polish Provisional Government moved its resident back to Warsaw, despite Moscow's objections.

The Poles wanted to move the provisional government back to Warsaw, and Moscow couldn't stop it, but the problem was that at this time Warsaw had become a piece of white land. Except for broken bricks and scattered ruins, there was really nothing to do, and this How poor were the Poles? Under the patchwork, the newly formed Polish interim government can't even collect the funds to repair the underground drainage facilities in Warsaw, and they need assistance from Moscow.

Comrade Savatsky not only wrote this letter to Viktor, he also wrote to many people, and he himself is in Moscow now, waiting for Comrade Stalin to summon him. As for the purpose of his request to see Comrade Stalin, of course, it was also for the Seek assistance.

On the issue of providing aid to the Poles, Viktor has reservations. His view is that aid must be given, but it must not be left to the opponent. You must know that in the past few years of war, the alliance has suffered The loss is much greater than that of the Poles. Today, the alliance is also facing the development of post-war reconstruction work, and the demand for materials and funds is even greater. How can so many resources be spent on the Poles?

Another point is that in addition to Poland, there are too many countries waiting for Moscow to provide assistance. The Poles are only the first to speak. If they get what they want, what about the remaining friendly parties? Could Moscow not respond?

Today, Viktor came to see Comrade Molotov. The main purpose is indeed for Comrade Zhdanov's report, but this letter of Comrade Savatsky really needs to be discussed with Comrade Molotov. , because he hoped to be able to reach a consensus with Comrade Molotov on this issue and then submit a proposal to the Central Committee.

Recently, Victor has really considered a lot about the relationship between the Central International Department and the People's Committee of Foreign Affairs. In the end, he believes that there should not be a kind of "not from the east wind to the west wind," between the two departments in charge of foreign affairs. It is a vicious competitive relationship in which the west wind prevails over the east wind, but it should be a benign cooperative relationship, because only in this way can the problem be better solved.