Struggle in Soviet Russia

Compared with the Union, Finland is only a small country. Although it is tenacious and unyielding, and even once dreamed of "Great Finland", the cruel reality tells the Finns that today's world is no longer the world of the Middle Ages. In this world, a small country is a small country. Whether it is resources, population, or geopolitics, it limits the possibility of a small country realizing its "big country dream".

Therefore, in the case of being unable to move themselves away, Finland, which is close to the Soviet Union, can only learn to adapt to the new way of life. The Finns must survive in the cracks and try their best to ensure their independence. Seek an opportunity to develop yourself.

It must be admitted that no matter what the world thinks of Basikivi today, in Viktor's view, the Finnish Prime Minister who endured humiliation is indeed a great statesman, and his foreign policy for Finland is undoubtedly the most important. In line with the actual situation in Finland, moreover, the influence of his policies on Finland will last for more than half a century.

After Comrade Andrianov finished his speech, the person who followed up on the podium was a man who was not very tall and had a hairstyle similar to that of Comrade Lenin, that is, the forehead was partially bald and the hair was turned back.

According to Verolainen's introduction, this person's name is Gehrman Tawajavi, and he is currently serving as the People's Commissar of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Republic, which is the same job as Comrade Molotov. However, Molotov Comrade Fu is the People's Commissar of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Union, while Tawajavi is the People's Commissar of the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Karelian-Finnish Soviet Republic.

Watching Tawajawi step onto the podium, Victor opened the directory in the record book, found the person's resume, and opened it.

At this time, Tawajawi on the podium raised his right hand and ironed the hair on both sides of his temples with the palm of his hand. Only then did he unfold the speech in front of him and start his report.

Victor listened while looking at the person's resume.

In fact, just by looking at the name Tawajavi, you can know that this person must be a Finn, and according to the records on his resume, this person was born in Tapere, Finland in 1889, and one of the early members of the Finnish Social Democratic Party When the Finnish Social Democratic Party split in 1918, he participated in the formation of the Communist Party of Finland as a left-wing member of the party. very high.

The key point is that the experience of this man and Comrade Kuxinin is very similar. He was also thrown into prison after the end of World War I. After escaping from prison, he did not return to Poland, but participated in the October Revolution in Leningrad. , and in the following years, he has been working in the Soviet Union.

Undoubtedly, judging from this person's resume, he should be in the same camp as Comrade Kuxinin. After all, both of them are not only Finns, but they have also worked together for a long time, so they are old colleagues.

Because of this, Victor didn't read his resume carefully, and even gave up after reading half of it, because it was impossible for such a person to stand in the same direction with him.

Closing the notebook, Victor picked up a pack of cigarettes on the table and lit one for himself. As soon as he took a puff, his brows could not help but wrinkle.

At this time, Comrade Tawajawi, who was in front of the podium, happened to be talking about the construction of the party organization of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Republic.

During the war, Victor was the first to propose to Comrade Stalin the establishment of a grass-roots party organization. At that time, this work was first carried out in the army, and then it was promoted to all departments of the alliance and local grass-roots units. In the past two years, the construction of party organizations in various departments has also begun to become normalized. In various meetings at various levels every year, as long as the work arrangement is systematically discussed, the work of party organization construction is one of the important contents.

To be honest, this kind of work is actually biased towards retreat, but there is also a pragmatic content, which is the so-called retreat and truth. In Tawajawi's report, in addition to the content of retreat, it also involves the content of pragmatism. For example, the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs, which he led, has engaged in some activities and organized some activities in the past year or so. What kind of studies have you learned, what achievements have you made in the work of developing party members, and so on.

As far as personal interests are concerned, Viktor doesn't take the work of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs very seriously, the reason for this is that the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Republic does not actually have much actual power, and their scope of work is very limited, and Viktor now There are so many issues that need to be dealt with, and in order of importance, the work of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs is estimated to be the last. Therefore, according to common sense, Tawajawi's speech will not attract his attention.

But the common sense is clearly broken here. When Tawajawi talked about the achievements of the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs in the development of party members, Victor couldn't help frowning. He heard something a little harsh.

On the issue of developing party members, Tawajawi mentioned a "proportion" issue, that is, the People's Committee for Foreign Affairs of the Republic has accepted proportionally in the work of developing new party members in the past year, including during the war. Seventeen new party members of Finnish origin, four new party members of Karelian ethnicity and three new party members of other nationalities.

Victor looked up at Tawajawi in front of the podium, then picked up the pen at hand, and tore a piece of paper from the back of the notebook.

Hearing the sound of his tearing paper, Comrades Kuxinin and Verolainen next to him all looked towards him.

Victor wrote a line on the piece of paper with a pen expressionlessly, and handed it to Comrade Kuxinin, who was beside him.

Comrade Kuxinin took the note, looked at the Russian line written on it, frowned for a while, then picked up the pen and added a line on it, and handed it back to Victor.

Victor took the note back and looked at it. The Russian line he wrote earlier was a question: "Why is there a regulation on the proportion of ethnic groups in the process of recruiting new party members?"

And now, the answer given by Comrade Kuxinin is: "In principle, there is no such provision."

Victor is no longer a political novice, and he naturally understands what this answer means. There is no such regulation in "principle", which does not mean that there is no such regulation in reality. Victor's understanding is that there is an unspoken rule in it, that is, in the Karelia region, whether it is local government or various departments In the process of recruiting new party members, the organization and its party organization did follow a question of ethnicity. Among them, the Finnish party members accounted for a large proportion, this proportion is likely to be as high as 70%, or even is more than eighty.

Viktor has not been in charge of local work before, so he does not know the specifics of local party organization work, but he knows that, at least in Moscow, within the People's Commissariat of State Security, there is no such provision, and The Central Committee has never made such a provision.

Although he has not been responsible for related work before, at that time, when Tawajawi mentioned this issue, Victor naturally felt a sense of resistance in his heart. He believed that this kind of regulation was very irresponsible. If its development continues, it will even have a great negative impact on the stability of the Republic and even the Alliance.

After staring at the note in his hand for about half a minute, Victor took the pen again and drew a circle directly on the word "principle". Afterwards, he was silent for a while, and drew an arrow under the circle with a pen. Finally, under the arrow, he wrote: "National equality does not equal nationalism."

The tip of the pen's nose pointed behind "ism", and finally added: "Nationalization of cadres is dangerous. We must pay more attention to this issue. I will talk about this issue in the afternoon meeting."

After writing the last paragraph, he handed the note to Comrade Kuxinin.

Victor has not been exposed to specific party work, and his knowledge in this area is relatively limited, but his memories of past lives and work experience in this life have given him a certain ability to examine problems, or, in other words, this is an experience-based approach. political sensitivity.

What is the nationalization of cadres? To be sure, in today's league, the word must be absent, but the word is easy to understand, and it is only possible to know what it means literally.

The so-called "nationalization of cadres" means that the promotion and appointment of leading cadres does not first consider their actual work ability, but their ethnic attributes. Consciously or unconsciously, they magnify their national attributes, and even put them on the principle of party spirit. When considering any issue, they should first start from the perspective of their own national attributes, not from the perspective of the alliance or the Bolshevik Party.

In this way, with the development and growth of this kind of thinking, its ultimate result must be the vigorous development of nationalism, and its influence will even exceed the influence of the Bolshevik Party within the alliance, and eventually lead to the entire Bolshevik Party's influence. Split, collapse. Taking into account the nature of the alliance, especially the provisions on the power of each republic in the constitution, then the final split of the alliance has become inevitable.

Viktor did not know whether the problem that Tawajawi was referring to existed only in the Karelian-Finnish Soviet Republic, but he was certain that this kind of thinking, this unspoken rule, had to be criticized, it had to be rejected. Strictly forbidden, as the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Republic, this is also his duty.