Solovyov in Tsarist Russia 1796

The plan was very good, and Speransky made many revisions and showed it to Alexander for review many times.

The Tsar himself was very satisfied and gave a reply, planning to launch the plan during the departmental reform in 1810.

Solovyov was worried about this problem. Speransky was still very trusted because of his ability. If Alexander appointed a secretary of state, he would be the best choice.

In the new government agency, the secretary of state was also a powerful figure in the administrative system, and his power in Russia was probably second only to the Tsar himself.

However, in the court, it was inevitable that some people would express opposition, and there was also some theoretical basis.

Speransky was devoted to work. Although he had some talents in the social circle, government reform and assisting Alexander as secretary of state had taken up most of his time.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs and the Minister of War are usually very busy, even though Arakcheev regards him as a political enemy, and Solovyov has never liked this man, but he has no reason to oppose Speransky. After all, whether he is the Minister of War or the subsequent military and administrative reforms, even a conservative like him has always advocated the establishment of a new order, and naturally will not come out to cause trouble.

As for other departments, Solovyov has always believed that the positions of the Minister of Police and the Minister of Posts are the most troublesome.

The latter likes to open letters to spy on privacy, while the former is a gossip in Russia. To be honest, the traditional craftsmanship at No. 11 Lubyanka Square was already a daily routine before Peter the Great moved the capital.

"Mikhail Mikhailovich, you are always short of time. This time you ran so far to come to me. Is there any problem with Petersburg?"

Soloviev raised this question when the two talked.

"It doesn't matter. I have made arrangements."

"But I think there will always be someone who will present your remarks to the emperor, such as the Minister of Police. There are people like Fouché in Paris, and we have them here too. But don't worry, even if someone has planted spies in my house, I can still know the situation. Otherwise, I won't be talking to you here."

"You don't mean Balashov, do you?"

"The Minister of Police, what he should do is not to fabricate charges. In Russia, everyone is the emperor's subject. If there are those reactionaries, they should be paid special attention to, or the truly dangerous Jacobins."

"If that's the case, I'm afraid you and I will both be listed as 'dangerous Frenchmen'. Even the fact that you can come in, Misha, is because of your stepmother and that group of relatives in France."

"In fact, I give people the impression that no matter what I do, No matter which position you take, others will not be surprised. Even if it is a more radical measure than the Jacobin Club, you should not be surprised, because I agree to establish a complete security system, but oppose excessive invasion of other people's privacy. The basis of this principle is that power can be restrained in the hands of the Minister of Police or the Security Committee, rather than abused. "

"I think the department you are talking about is probably only the founder and the first one or two generations of leaders who can work according to this idea. Those who come up later, once there is a person with a strong desire for power, or a lackey who caters to the will of the superiors, or something else."

"Yes, this is very bad."

Russia is like this, and Speransky also knows that Solovyov's mouth has an iron bolt, and telling him some excessive things will not be spread.

Especially political issues, this is related to the Siberian tour group.

Soloviev had a textual trick at the beginning. On the surface, the prisoners were sent to the "Governor's District". Although it was about Siberia, in fact, under his operation, they went to the French in North America and contributed to the construction of Fort Ross.

As for what results this operation has caused, all the ministers can only talk about the next topic after reading it.

North America is too far away, and there are only Spanish colonial outposts and Indian tribes near Rossburg, which can't make any waves politically even more than Siberia.

Even the successor ministers, looking at the situation in Rossburg, want to send people to Duke Enghien.

Since the land is vast and sparsely populated, it will definitely not be overcrowded, but it is a huge test for the rule of the local Russian Governor's District.

Speransky still has to talk with Solovyov for a while. Since the secret committee started working, Speransky knew that the then aide-de-camp was very interested in his set.

However, his statement is more of an Oriental translation, and I am afraid that his daughter will like this theory very much.

Speaking of which, Solovyov is still very popular among noble ladies because of his appearance. He usually speaks elegantly (but in the army, he is a different face), and he is very talented, which is not comparable to the group of handsome idiots in Petersburg and Moscow.

He spent most of his time in the army. If he had not married Katya, he might have had many suitors since 1807.

However, many people, although educated by tutors, were not necessarily better than the "vase" Madame Recamier, and might even be more vulgar.

But some girls who like to study do not study for this purpose. Speransky found that his daughter liked Solovyov's style because of her knowledge, and even had some interest in the East.

Therefore, Speransky always wanted Solovyov to talk about how the Chinese do it.

After all, the two of them don't speak Russian or "Khitan" now, so they still seem to be more comfortable.

"Misha, how do the Chinese do it, as Mr. Voltaire said?"

"Mr. Voltaire obviously promoted China as an ideal country in his mind, but from Count Golovkin's mission, Macartney's meeting with the previous Chinese emperor, and what Europeans saw there, Look. This country is conservative and seems to be closed. In fact, we may still understand it. It is just because of its vast territory and complete and rigid system. Therefore, if I tell those conservatives about the real China. I’m afraid they will respect this system very much.”

Afterwards, Solovyov sketched for Speransky on a piece of white paper according to the three provinces and six ministries system, as well as the political structure of the Ming and Qing dynasties.

"Look, does it look similar to us?"

Speransky was a smart guy and he reacted quickly.

"From what you wrote, we can see that the system of this huge empire is indeed perfect. The problem is that an overly perfect system will also face troubles when faced with new problems. Misha, you are right, this kind of Once the system is completed, I think Karamzin will admire it very much.”

"But if you say something, wherever it is close to Europe, people like Mr. Karamzin will come out to oppose it. We have no good way to solve it. He also wants Russian tradition. As for Russian tradition, maybe He himself did not realize that if he took out all the files, he would have to follow the boyar system to satisfy the tradition he said. "

"It's a pity that although you have plenty of ammunition, you don't like to debate."

"Speaking of which, how is your daughter doing in Novgorod?"

"The child is a little weak, but he has been taken care of by servants and doctors, so he is fine."

"Aren't you considering marrying another wife?"

Solovyov also asked tentatively. Speransky was very busy at work and no one was taking care of him. Of course, this question is not referring to Adela, but Katya's cousins.

Speransky's starting point was lower than Solovyov's. He was able to go to school because of the care of the local priest. He used his talents to experience in civil service positions and was appreciated by Alexander.

Speaking of which, his background is still a bit poor, and he has no backer. It is not like Solovyov, who has some seemingly incompatible but reliable relationships with several princes and families due to family connections.

Even so, it is inevitable that he will be targeted by some nobles because of his status as a "lone minister".

To be honest, the church can provide him with some protection, but not much.

But Speransky shook his head and said: "Misha, I don't think it is necessary. I am almost forty years old now. Even if I find a widow, because of my status, I may not give her happiness. But there is a seemingly high position that can satisfy her vanity. "

"I can understand your thinking, but you do need help, and your daughter also needs someone to take care of her."

"In this case, I envy you. Although Katya is young, she pays more attention to her family. You seem to be living a good life like this."

"But our identity is always inseparable from this vortex."

Solovyov is also a little worried now. After all, Speransky's actions may be misguided by conservatives even if they see no problems in the draft.

I would like to send Catherine to Paris in the future. This draft would probably be submitted in January 1810, so I would definitely not be able to help.

What he wants to do can only be decided by himself. Solovyov also knows Alexander very well. In the end, the blame may still be Speransky's.

After all, although Alexander always spoke nice words publicly, he actually did not reflect himself in any bills, although his will as a monarch was implemented.

In this way, if Speransky's bill is blocked, conservatives will attack it, which is not good.

"Thank you, Misha. At least you are willing to listen to me and think of something."

"Another way might be to take the bill apart, which looks like a sausage-slicing tactic. We do it one by one, leaving no room for opposition from our opponents."

"But our opponents will also find ways. Don't think that since both you and Prince Alexander Saltykov are good at this, you can decide some things at will. Our opponents will also find ways. For example, if we want to promote When a certain bill is passed, they will start with the actual implementation of the measure.”

"It seems that you understand well and don't you want to stay for dinner?"

"No, I have to go back to Petersburg. If I were at the table with you and your wife, Katya would probably talk endlessly."

"She was very well-behaved when she was only with me. Maybe having guests made her feel very excited. She couldn't help it. It's easy for her to be like this if she has a young wife."

"If you say that, I do miss Lisa. Also, my daughter always needs someone to take care of her. You may be right about this."

"Let's talk about it later. Since you go back, I have something to give you."

Solovyov kept Speransky waiting for a while and brought him a book.

"This may be of some use to you. I took notes and printed them at home."

"Thank you, Misha."

After Speransky left, Solovyov knew that his reform plan might not have such a high success rate.

In the position of Minister of Police, Balashov was also a general of the aide-de-camp, and unlike Volkonsky, he had no experience in commanding large-scale troops.

Yes, Solovyov was also quite surprised. Even his father-in-law, who had left the military long ago, was promoted by military merit and then became a civil servant.

As for Balashov, his resume had always been that of a garrison commander. He served in the Caucasus and, as the head of the Wilno Regiment, he actually chose to apply to leave the regiment.

That's how it was. Later, he also had a prosperous career and was promoted to lieutenant general without any major battles.

It sounds like it's even more outrageous than the resume of the Grand Tutor.

The old Grand Tutor, Prince Saltykov, although his field marshal was purely honorary, he was still very capable as a regiment commander and column commander. He was good at fighting more than 10,000 people, but he couldn't handle more than that.

But he worked hard in that position and was later arranged to be Alexander's guardian. He had made contributions anyway.

Solovyov felt that Balashov was not good enough, even considering that he was always in the court and the internal affairs department, and his hawkish temperament could be seen from his resume.

According to Solovyov's experience, this person was very good at scheming and knew some ways to please the monarch, so he was deeply trusted and sat in the position of Minister of Police.

In addition to him, there should be other conservative ministers and nobles who would also oppose it.

Even if Speransky had simplified this set of bills and even made compromises and concessions, it was inevitable that something would happen in this environment in Russia.

Therefore, Solovyov was also worried about this brain of Russian reform.

But he couldn't help much. He thought so himself. Solovyov didn't know how many stones he had moved in Sweden, and what he did after returning to St. Petersburg would cause considerable changes in the future. (End of this chapter)