Shadow of great britain

Report on Diplomatic Work in the Spring of 1833

Date: April 15, 1833

To: Viscount Henry John Temple (Viscount Palmerston), British Foreign Secretary

From: Paris

Sender: Sir Arthur Hastings

Dear Minister:

In the current complex political situation in Europe, I think it is necessary to report to you an important contact I had with Giuseppe Mazzini, the leader of the Italian revolutionary organization "Young Italy" in Paris. These contacts made me realize that under the dual oppression of Austria and Russia, Britain might consider taking a different approach and using local nationalist forces to fight against our common enemy.

In 1815, despotism struggled to continue to gain a foothold in Europe and reshape the European world according to its inherent ideas. If they were confident in their offensive from the beginning, now their nature has turned to defense. So much so that I can make a rash decision that I think the "Holy Alliance" formed by Austria, Prussia and Russia under the leadership of Metternich has actually failed in fact.

On the contrary, liberalism has gained a lot of advantages in the past decade and has become increasingly offensive. On the other hand, the various free systems that have been formed are also facing problems, conflicts and severe tests of different natures.

1. The situation in Europe and the upcoming Munich Conference

At present, the political landscape in Europe is undergoing drastic changes. The agreement reached between Russia and the Ottoman Empire in the Kushitaia Agreement further consolidated Russia's influence in southeastern Europe and its military presence in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, while Austria and Prussia attempted to further consolidate the Holy Alliance's control over the European continent through the upcoming Munich Conference.

According to recent intelligence, Russia, Austria and Prussia are trying to reach a new consensus at the Munich Conference to further strike against the progressive forces in Europe and force Britain out of the region by cooperating to control the political situation in Eastern and Central Europe. These potential trends seriously threaten Britain's overseas investment, waterway safety and inherent strategic interests.

As former Secretary of State William Huskisson, who unfortunately passed away in a train accident, said: Dispersing the power of the enemy is the key to ensuring Britain's national interests. In this context, it is particularly important to support the Italian nationalist movement, because it can not only contain Austria's power in Italy, but also distract Prussia and Russia from other regions.

2. The strategic significance of uniting European nationalist forces to fight against the Holy Alliance

Austria relies on its long-term control over northern Italy, making it capable of becoming one of the important pillars of the Holy Alliance. Supporting the Italian nationalist movement can directly contain Austria's power in the region, forcing it to devote more resources and attention to maintaining the stability of northern Italy, so that it will be unable to split its attention and force the Austrians to continue to argue with Britain on other issues.

At the same time, the Italian people's cheers for liberalism are also worthy of our attention. After the July Revolution broke out in France in 1830, this wildfire quickly spread from Paris to all parts of Europe, and gradually affected Switzerland, Belgium, Poland, Portugal, Britain, and other countries, and the Italian states were also among them.

In 1831, large-scale uprisings broke out in Modena, Parma, Bologna, Romagna, Marche and Umbria. People raised tricolor flags, established provisional governments and enacted liberal laws. Although these uprisings were quickly suppressed by Austria through military intervention and ended in failure, it is not difficult to find out the people's hearts and minds on the Apennine Peninsula.

At the same time, a large number of student movements and liberal marches broke out in various states in the German region. In some small German states, such as Brunswick and Hesse, two archdukes abdicated one after another, and their successors were forced to pass a liberal constitution.

Saxony hurriedly reformed the state representative assembly, and the parliament of Baden resumed operation under the concession of the rulers. Bavaria on the Rhine is full of newspapers founded by republicans, and the university youth union, which has been dead for many years, has also regained its vitality. At the Hambach rally held in May 1832, 30,000 participants shouted slogans for popular sovereignty, unity, the establishment of the German Republic and the European Confederation of Free States.

The incompetent Bavarian government had no solution for these liberal groups except for extreme measures such as prosecution, trial, arrest, prohibition of association, prohibition of assembly and display of national flags. Prussia was even more stagnant.

On the other hand, in Britain, His Majesty the King and His Excellency the Minister, who had foresight and long-term considerations, learned from the nationwide riots in Britain last year due to parliamentary reform, and decided to take the initiative to send me to the Kingdom of Hanover to help our brother allies formulate and pass a liberal constitution. This was undoubtedly a brilliant move.

After the new liberal constitution was passed, the Kingdom of Hanover would become the leader of the liberal and progressive forces in the entire German region, and would serve as a model for expanding Britain's influence in the German Confederation. And this model role, with my shallow knowledge and humble views, I think it can also be applied to the Italian region.

Because after the Austrians finished suppressing the uprisings in the Italian states, they suggested in the government memorandum to the absolutist clergy governments of the Italian states that they needed to make moderate preliminary reforms. However, with the current reform strength, it is tantamount to scratching the itch. The Austrian-style reform not only failed to meet the wishes of the Italian people, but also aggravated their confrontation with the existing government.

Secondly, if the revolutionary movement in Italy can arouse a certain amount of attention on the European continent, Prussia and Russia will have to reassess their strategic deployment in Europe. Especially at this point in time, after the Ottoman Empire signed the Kushitaia Agreement with Egypt under the influence of Russia, Russia's expansionist ambitions have become increasingly obvious. Containing its power in other parts of Europe will help us balance its influence in Eastern and Central Europe.

Although Metternich's wish is to strengthen the internal cooperation of the Holy Alliance at the Munich Conference to be held this year. But in fact, there are profound differences in interests between Austria, Prussia and Russia.

For example, on the issue of Poland, Russia hopes to expand its influence in Europe by controlling Poland and use Poland as a buffer zone to defend against potential threats from the West.

Prussia, on the other hand, had its own interests in parts of Poland, especially in the Poznan region, and they hoped to incorporate these areas into Prussia's territory.

Although the Austrians did not have such direct conflicts of interest as Russia and Prussia on the Polish issue, as part of the Holy Alliance, they were wary of Russia's strong expansion in Poland and worried that such expansion would affect the balance of power in Central Europe.

On the Balkan Peninsula and the Ottoman issue, Russia hoped to expand its sphere of influence by supporting the Slavic nationalist movement in the Balkan Peninsula and weakening the control of the Ottoman Empire, especially hoping to gain access to the Black Sea and the Mediterranean.

Austria strongly opposed Russia's expansion in the Balkans because it directly threatened Austria's interests in Southeast Europe. Austria had significant political and economic interests in the region and hoped to curb Russia's expansion by maintaining the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire.

The Prussians were not interested in the Balkan Peninsula, but as part of the German Confederation, Prussia was eager to join Russia in weakening Austria on the Ottoman issue, so that it would have a better chance of seizing the leadership of the German Confederation from Austria.

As for Italy, Austria controls the Lombardy-Venetian region in northern Italy, strongly opposes the Italian unification movement, and tries to maintain its rule in Italy. Although Prussia and Russia have no direct interests in Italy, they are wary of the Italian nationalist movement and worry that similar movements will trigger a revolutionary wave in other parts of Europe.

However, if Austria offends them on other issues that concern their interests, they may also become Austria's opponents in Italy.

I firmly believe that with the wisdom and foresight of His Majesty the King and His Excellency the Minister, it is easy to find the most appropriate combination of these issues. Different combinations will achieve different results on different issues. But before that, I suggest that Britain should collect as many resources as possible that we can mobilize on various issues.

Establishing good relations with European nationalist forces such as Young Italy, flexibly using diplomatic means, and supporting these potential revolutionary forces will seize moral advantages and public opinion for Britain, which is the first to realize liberal reforms in Europe, and will have a positive impact on Britain's strategic layout in Europe, thereby achieving our strategic goals.

I await your latest instructions and reply.

May God bless His Majesty and his country.

Sir Arthur Hastings

Embassy of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland to the Kingdom of France

Paris, France

--M.S. Anderson, "Higher Vision: The British Foreign Office 1782-1982"

The duty of the monarch is to execute the will of the people, the duty of the Prime Minister is to execute the will of the monarch, the duty of the Foreign Secretary is to execute the will of the Prime Minister, and the duty of the diplomat is to execute the will of the Foreign Secretary. In this regard, our dear 'York Viper' Sir Arthur Hastings did a good job until today when he showed his fangs. But this cannot be entirely blamed on him, because I should have thought that his heart had become iron since 1832.

--Viscount Palmerston, June 25, 1850, in a debate speech in the House of Commons

In a tavern next to the Breoque Detective Agency.

The table facing the street was shrouded in mist. Schneider took out a newly arrived letter from his pocket and handed it to Arthur.

Arthur used a spoon to deal with the Provence stew in front of him without raising his head, and had no intention of taking the letter.

"No need to give it to me, just tell me how the minister replied."

Schneider took a puff of his cigar: "Arthur, what do you mean? I won't open other people's letters in private."

"I don't doubt your character, Schneider."

Arthur wiped his mouth with a napkin: "I just think that if it is really that kind of confidential information, the minister will not use such a sloppy channel to send it. So the content of the letter is nothing for others to read."

"Well... what you said makes sense."

Schneider took the letter back into his arms and said immediately: "In short, the minister agrees to your request in principle and is willing to allocate part of the activity funds to you."

"Agree in principle?" Arthur certainly understood this rhetoric: "That is to say, this thing can be done, but I have to bear the consequences if there is any problem."

"You can understand it this way." Schneider explained: "After all, the minister is determined to compete with Metternich, but Britain and Austria have not reached the point of breaking up. Therefore, if the sponsorship of Young Italy is exposed, it is still not glorious. At this time, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs can only regrettably blame the personal behavior of diplomats."

Arthur took a sip of the bitter red wine: "I thought I had worked for the Tories and shed blood for the Whigs, even if Even if I have no merit, I have worked hard. In the end, I still don't have a formal position. Am I just a temporary worker if something goes wrong? "

Schneider comforted him, "Brother, this is different. You have made progress. When you were a front-line patrolman in Scotland Yard, you might be fired for mishandling a case. When you became a senior police officer, the only way to get rid of you was through an incident like the London riots. Now, the premise for getting rid of you has become secretly sponsoring the Italian revolutionary organization. You are much more valuable than before. Brother, it has only been a few years, and your stock price has risen to this level. There is no stock with such a good momentum in the stock exchanges in all of Europe. What else are you dissatisfied with?"

Arthur pinched his chin and thought for a while. It seemed that it was really what Schneider said. If there is any difference between the prime minister and the clerk, in addition to making mistakes, the former's mistakes are much more destructive than the latter. Didn't Schneider come to Europe this time to fix Viscount Palmerston's rotten crotch?

Oh, if that's the case, there is one difference between the Prime Minister and the clerk, that is, although the latter is less harmful, no one will cover for him if he commits a crime.

Thinking of this, Arthur suddenly looked up at Schneider who was sitting opposite him, smiled suddenly, clinked glasses with him and said: "August, I feel much better now with your comfort."

"How can that be? We have been whipped and bathed together." August took a sip of wine and said with a long aftertaste: "Not to mention, you took me to visit the backstage of the theater the day before yesterday and gave me a few pairs of actresses' dancing shoes."

Arthur asked in a fake tone: "It's just a few pairs of shoes, not worth much money, just like you like it. By the way, August, you... do they fit your feet?"

"Do they fit your feet? Arthur, what nonsense are you talking about? They are for collection!"

Schneider corrected: "Do you know how much the clothes and jewelry of popular actresses like Dorval and Ferrier can sell for in Paris?"

Arthur almost sprayed red wine all over Schneider when he heard this.

He never thought that collectors would start this kind of "high-end business" in this year.

Arthur covered the wine stains on his lips with a handkerchief: "Really? So these things are worth collecting? I thought people usually collect antiques, but they also want modern things."

Schneider looked at Arthur with a contemptuous expression of "I don't know what you learned in Paris."

"Let me tell you this, as long as these clothes are worn by actresses, they can immediately double their original prices, and the more popular the actress is, the higher the price multiplier will be. For example, Ida Ferrier, those fashionable ladies are usually willing to give a ten-fold premium for the rings she has worn. As for her clothes, since the clothes themselves are not as expensive as jewelry, the premium for clothes is usually higher, sometimes up to a hundred times as crazy."

"Ida Ferrier?"

Arthur is very familiar with this name. This popular actress in Paris is Dumas' new lover. The two of them were so affectionate every day. Arthur was a little bit fed up with Dumas's affectation and cheesy love talk, but then he thought about it and realized that this fat man actually slept with a box of gold every night.

In the face of the temptation of money, Dumas's eating was much better than that of the big bankers and real estate developers.

After all, this fat man at least did hard work.

Of course, Arthur could only think about these words in his heart.

After all, he didn't want to be shot by a black fat man who came out of an alley while walking on the main road in Paris. Sir Arthur Hastings's mind was broad enough now.

But Arthur hadn't gotten over his envy of Dumas yet. He thought about a fact that made him very sad.

When he took Schneider to visit the backstage of the theater the day before yesterday, he should have bought some goods.

Sure enough!

As the old saying goes, opportunities always come to those who are prepared. The opportunity to make a fortune was missed again.

When Arthur thought of this, he felt that the Provence stew on the plate was not fragrant anymore, and it tasted like chewing underwear.

However, there are a thousand Hamlets in the hearts of a thousand people, and this taste is probably more suitable for Elder.

The restaurant waiter came to Arthur, holding the menu and leaning over to ask politely: "Sir, what flavor do you want for your soup?"

Arthur waved his hand absent-mindedly: "Original flavor is fine."

"Original flavor?" The waiter pondered for a while, and finally shrugged his shoulders: "Please wait."

Schneider looked at the sad little brother in front of him, and regardless of whether he listened or not, he began to talk about the work arrangements of the past few days.

"Mr. Draisaitl was more enthusiastic than we expected. Not only did he provide office space for our bank, but in order to make it look more formal, he also helped us complete many compliance procedures and attracted some A new depositor. And Miss Draisaitl surprised me even more. If this girl were not a girl, she might not be able to inherit her father's business..."

At this point, Schneider's words suddenly stopped.

He glanced cautiously at the entrance of the restaurant, where the sound of wind chimes rang, and a dusty middle-aged French man in his fifties was looking around at the door, seemingly looking for someone.

Schneider acted like a gentleman and took out two silver coins from his coat pocket and placed them on the table. Then he stood up and said, "Arthur, I've invited you to this meal. It seems that today is not a good time to talk about things, because there are other people looking for you." I will go back to the embassy first and go to the theater at the Porte Saint-Martin in the afternoon. If you want to see me, you can go there then. But don’t come looking for me in the evening. I have some personal matters to resolve.”

Not long after Schneider left the table, the sound of rapid footsteps sounded in Arthur's ears.

Then, he only felt a heavy tap on his shoulder, and then Vidocq's deep and deep voice sounded: "Brother, the situation is not good, we have to go to Saint-Pélage Prison immediately."

Arthur adjusted his mood, took a deep breath and said, "What's wrong?"

"Someone died."

"Huh?" Arthur turned to look at Vidocq, and saw the French detective's gloomy and terrifying face: "Who is dead?"

"Maxi Francos, the forger we are looking for, was found dead in prison this morning. The prison has not yet given a cause of death."