My life skills in Daming Liver

According to Li Wei and others, their father and son also contributed a lot to Zhang Juzheng's resignation.

Since the Red Pill elixir case, although Li Wei and his son were not punished by the court, their reputation has become bad.

Zhang Juzheng naturally confiscated the property of his father and son, and used the confiscation of their property to promote the New Deal.

Li Wei and his son naturally hated Zhang Juzheng deeply.

After the Red Pill elixir case, Li Wei and his son also realized the importance of political power. They soon discovered that there were many people in the capital who opposed Zhang Juzheng.

Those groups whose interests were harmed by the New Deal can be said to hate Zhang Juzheng to the core.

Li Wei and his son united some people and paid to control a newspaper. When they had nothing to do, they would scold Zhang Juzheng in the newspaper.

After the explosion at Wang Gong Factory, it was the newspaper controlled by Li Wei and his son that scolded Zhang Juzheng the most.

The father and son not only scolded Zhang Juzheng, but also contacted some officials to impeach Zhang Juzheng, which led to the subsequent storm that brought down Zhang Juzheng.

After the fall of Zhang Juzheng, it was time to divide the spoils, but Li Wei and his son did not get any benefit at all.

This, of course, made both father and son angry.

Li Changfeng said: "Father! These civil servants are bullying people too much! They are targeting us, our relatives and nobles!"

Li Wei also said: "I can see it too. These civil servants are afraid that your sister will listen to politics behind the curtain, so they suppress our Li family like this. No matter who comes to power, these civil servants will not make things easier for us and our son!"

Li Wei also figured out that for any scholar-bureaucrat of the Ming Dynasty, suppressing noble relatives was politically correct.

Naturally, you can cooperate when you are off stage, but once you are on stage, you must immediately distance yourself from the relationship, otherwise you will be scolded by other colleagues.

Relatives, nobles, and eunuchs, these three forces were all vassals of the imperial power. The civil servants of the Ming Dynasty spent two hundred years fighting for power from the imperial power. When Zhang Juzheng was at the peak of civilian politics, they would never let go.

Just as all forces are vying for the highest control of the Ming Dynasty, a new force is about to enter the stage of history.

Yan Jun is continuing to give lectures to the workers in the government-run workshop on the ruins of Wang Gong Factory.

There were also many poor people in the capital city. Many of them heard about Yan Jun's reputation and gathered around Yan Jun to listen to his lectures.

What Yan Jun talked about was still Wang's study of the daily life of the people in Taizhou, but on this basis, Yan Jun added his "struggle" study.

After the explosion at Wang Gong Factory, Ming Ting objectively reimbursed part of the wages deducted by the workshops, and several military-related workshops also increased their wages.

After the Wanggong Factory explosion, in order to rebuild the gunpowder workshop, the Ministry of Industry recruited previously laid-off workers and gave them a salary increase.

This was a meaningful struggle attempt for the emerging workers in the capital, and it was also the first time that workers improved their treatment through struggle.

This was completely unimaginable before. Workers were just craftsmen, and their status in the Ming court was similar to that of military households, and even less united than military households.

Yan Jun has always been wanted, and he used to give lectures in secret.

Now that the Ming Dynasty has changed and its control over the capital has declined, Yan Jun organized lectures at the old site of Wang Gongchang. Anyway, the holes blasted in the city wall have not been repaired. If the government really sends troops to clear it, Yan Jun will leave from the city wall. Just use the hole to escape.

When Yan Jun finished his lecture, Tong An, who was waiting for him in charge of discipleship, stepped forward and said:

"Master Yan, Shuntian Mansion has learned about your lecture and is leaving now."

Yan Jun nodded. He was originally wearing coarse clothes. After putting on his hat, he quickly blended in with the crowd and left the capital.

By the time the officials from Shuntian Mansion arrived late, Yan Jun had already left.

People from Shuntian Prefecture reported to Yan Jun. Of course, this was because some officials accepted advanced ideas. In addition, officials in Shuntian Prefecture were also afraid that detaining Yan Jun would cause greater conflicts.

Everyone is here to do errands, why are you working so hard?

There are undercurrents surging in the capital, but Prime Minister Zhongshu is the most important position in the Ming court today, so naturally it cannot be vacant for a long time.

Li Chunfang is very busy during this time.

As the only deputy in Zhongshu Province, Li Chunfang has always regarded herself as the future prime minister.

Although when Zhang Juzheng was in power, Zhang Juzheng only regarded him as a mascot and did not give him any real power at all.

Li Chunfang was able to enter the cabinet mainly because of his contribution to welcoming Emperor Jiajing and returning to the capital from Shaanxi.

Jiajing went to the west, and after Longqing ascended the throne in Xuanda, Emperor Longqing later returned to the capital. He was always worried about his father who stayed outside.

Li Chunfang successfully persuaded the emperor to return to the capital, and was appreciated by Emperor Longqing, who was immediately promoted to the cabinet.

Later, when Gao Gong was in power, there were three assistant ministers in the cabinet, namely Yang Bo, Gao Gong and Li Chunfang.

Yang Bo was the chief assistant to stabilize people's hearts. Gao Gong did almost everything in the cabinet. Although Li Chunfang was a cabinet member, he had no power at all.

Next came Zhang Juzheng, who turned the cabinet into the Zhongshu Province and restored the prime minister system of the early Ming Dynasty.

Zhang Juzheng became the Prime Minister of Zhongshu Province, and Li Chunfang also entered Zhongshu Province.

Now that Zhang Juzheng has resigned as prime minister, Li Chunfang naturally becomes the only candidate to be the next prime minister Zhongshu.

Li Chunfang thought this was a rare opportunity and immediately began to take action.

But in the end, Li Chunfang felt that it was difficult to move forward.

Why did Zhang Juzheng want to be the Prime Minister of Zhongshu? Everyone from the royal family to ministers to local governors begged Zhang Juzheng to do it.

Why is it that when it's my turn, all the forces are taking action? !

Li Chunfang didn't understand. We were all ministers of the Ming Dynasty. Why should these guys ask for high prices when they want to support themselves? ?

Is it true that honest people are easy to bully?

The first is the royal family.

Zhang Juzheng forced the empress dowagers of the two palaces to remove the curtains so that the royal family would no longer listen to government affairs. Empress Dowager Chen was not very interested in government affairs, but Empress Dowager Li was different.

Perhaps it was the instigation of the Li family, or maybe Emperor Wanli was the son of Empress Dowager Li, and Empress Dowager Li wanted to keep an eye on the family property for her son.

The royal family also supported Li Chunfang's appointment as Prime Minister of Zhongshu Province, but required that all future government orders from Zhongshu Province be sent to the palace for review.

When Zhang Juzheng was in power, he almost had imperial power in his hands.

The official documents of the Zhongshu Province are as effective as the emperor's edict, or even more effective than the emperor's edict.

This can be regarded as the biggest political achievement of Zhang Juzheng's administration, which is to exclude imperial power from the entire administrative system, completely changing the pattern of Jiajing emperor's use of power to control the court.

Now Empress Dowager Li is asking for the right to refute the memorial, which is tantamount to taking away the final decision-making power from Zhongshu Sheng, which Li Chunfang instinctively opposes.

What he wants to inherit is Zhang Juzheng's position as Prime Minister of Zhongshu, not Xu Jie Gaogong's position as chief minister of the cabinet.

If the royal family still has the power to criticize, doesn't it mean that the Zhongshu Province has become the cabinet again?

But Li Chunfang is different from Zhang Juzheng. He does not have Zhang Juzheng's prestige, and he does not have armed forces.

When Zhang Juzheng came to power, it was the royal family who begged him to come to power. Because of the bus letter, the imperial court in the capital lost its authority.

At that time, King Zhang Juzheng returned, and the royal family had almost no room for resistance.

But Li Chunfang's situation is different. He must have the support of the royal family in order to secure his position as Prime Minister Zhongshu.

Li Chunfang understood this, but if he compromised, he would lose his prestige in front of all scholar-bureaucrats.

Seizing the right to refute from the royal family was Zhang Juzheng's greatest political legacy. If Li Chunfang gave up like this, he would be considered a traitor to the entire civil servant class.

This is the pressure from the royal family, and the ministers are also pressing hard on Li Chunfang.

When Zhang Juzheng was in power, he was the Prime Minister of Zhongshu, with monopoly power, and all the officials were driven by Zhang Juzheng.

Nowadays, there are strong calls for the abolition of the examination law, and another call is for the restoration of the traditional group system of the Ming Dynasty.

Zhongshu Sheng not only has the Prime Minister Zhongshu, but also has Zhongshu Ling to share the "official duties" of the Prime Minister. In fact, more ministers want to share the rights of Zhongshu Sheng.

Li Chunfang is able to compromise on this point. With his ability, he cannot be the same as Zhang Juzheng. He must do everything by himself and handle everything by himself.

Li Chunfang himself was promoted from the Ministry of Rites. He had no experience in personnel, finance, or military affairs. Therefore, it was a general trend for the Zhongshu Province to add Zhongshu Ling.

The abolition of the entrance examination law was also Li Chunfang's opposition to Zhang Juzheng and the banner of uniting civil servants. Since he was going to be in power, he naturally had to fulfill his political promises.

As for the abolition of the examination law, will it cause the official administration, which has just improved, to deteriorate again?

Li Chunfang could only go on stage first and then talk about it. There was no way she could think about so much.

Finally, there are the local governors.

After contacting Chen Yiqin, the governor of Henan, Chen Yiqin had only one request to support Li Chunfang, and that was to ask Chen Yiqin to also add the title of Minister of the Six Books.

Chen Yiqin concluded that the reason why he always fell behind in the competition with Li Chengliang was that his authority was not as good as Li Chengliang's.

Li Chengliang was the minister of the New Army and had the power to appoint and remove officials in Shandong, which was equivalent to a feudal official.

Chen Yiqin, the governor of Henan, could not appoint or remove officials in Henan.

In the past, Zhang Juzheng's entrance examination method was used to intimidate Henan. Now that the abolishment of the entrance examination method is the general trend, Chen Yiqin naturally reaches out to ask for local personnel power.

Li Chunfang is also very confused about this.

Today, the local finances of each province are almost independent, and the new armies of each province are also semi-independent militarily.

The authority of the imperial court, on the one hand, lies in the supply of advanced weapons and ammunition, which rely on new workshops near the capital. The second is the imperial court's power to appoint and remove local personnel.

If local personnel rights are lost again, it will really be a case of local separatism.

Just one Li Chengliang from Shandong is enough to make a person’s head big. Add one from Henan?

However, without the support of Chen Yiqin, it would be difficult for Li Chunfang to secure her position as Prime Minister Zhongshu.

He could only compromise once again.