Dear Comrade

Dear Comrade the Leader, Episode 200

“It’s nice to meet you too. President Yoo.”

“Huh, I felt it over the phone, but you are very fluent in Seoul. I can’t even tell the difference.”

“This is because of the disappearance of linguistic differences between the North and the South as many people come and go. In fact, both ethnicity and tone of voice come from the same root, but if we go back and communicate with each other, the differences will soon be filled.”

While reporters’ flashlights exploded like showers of rain and everyone around them swallowed their saliva with nervous expressions, Jung-hwan and Yoo Min-jung, the two leaders, shook hands with smiles.

After all the attendants, including the minister and prime minister, were introduced, they moved on to the next schedule, which could be said to be the official reason for Jung Hwan’s visit to Korea.

“Now it’s my turn to go to the World Cup Stadium, would you like to ride in the same car with me?”

“It is an honour.”

‘Yeah, but I also wanted to talk with this person while looking into each other’s eyes at least once.’

While discussing the schedule that had already been notified, the South could make such an offer, but Jeong-hwan refused to do so when the executives suggested refusing it.

This was because, at the end of his term, he wanted to have a conversation with the 15th president of the democratization movement and the first Korean to receive the Nobel Peace Prize in the same space and on any topic.

And as they left the Peace House and moved to the official vehicle waiting in line outside Panmunjom, a man suddenly caught my eye.

Beyond simply opening international sports events, the legislative branch is an event of great political significance to Korea.

So, in the Korean National Assembly, each party sent a representative to the Peace House to welcome Jeong-hwan, and one of them accidentally met Jeong-hwan.

It was the current Saenara Party leader and Saenara Party president Lee Hyun-chang, who is predicted to be the most likely candidate for the upcoming 16th presidential election.

* * *

“I heard that the heat of the World Cup is also hot in Pyongyang. It is truly heartbreaking to see the two Koreas unite under the same theme even at the end of my tenure.”

“Yes, but I heard that the South is hot in other ways other than the World Cup. Are you already in the midst of the party primary election in full swing? There is no other meaning, but the North is also watching with interest in various ways.”

In the car on the way to the stadium, Jung-hwan brought up such a story without much thought, but Yoo Min-joong seemed to hesitate for a moment and hesitate to answer.

Because the story of the North Korean leader, who cannot have a relationship with an election or voting, paying attention to South Korea’s elections, could have many meanings.

It could mean that they are just watching who the next South Korean leader will be, or it could mean that they can influence them in some way through comments, statements, or the use of force.

Either way, seeing Junghwan staring at him without saying a word, Minjoong Yoo could intuitively know one thing.

‘Looking at what this general secretary has done so far, he is by no means the one to use such outdated and regressive means. Maintaining the system or stabilizing power is a means to him, and will never be an end in itself.’

Over the many years of struggles and oppression of the political world, as well as political mergers and consolidation, and passing through several fatalities in the process, Min-Jung Yoo believed in the eyes of others that he had.

And looking back on Jung-hwan’s actions and policies he’s seen so far, and meeting him over the phone, from his point of view, Jung-hwan was never the type of person in power who put power and his own safety first.

Although he or the majority of the world could not understand the form, he judged that there were certain political beliefs or ideals that he wanted to finally achieve by devoting his life to it.

Having come to such a conclusion, Min-joong Yu sighed and began to confide in a little bit of the anxieties in his heart.

“As my term of office is coming to an end, I can give these words relatively casually, but… … To be honest, as president, I can’t help but worry in many ways.”

“You mean that Saenara Party President Lee Hyun-chang will succeed President Yoo? Hagi, I’ve heard rumors that the current government and the ruling party are already firmly established. The saying that we gave up the competitive edge in the systemic competition due to the conciliatory response to our republic and the left-wing economic policy would work well for the people of South Korea who still have vivid memories of the time of the foreign exchange crisis.”

“It’s a left-wing economic policy… … After all, it might seem so from the perspective of the Saenara Party’s economic policy team, which focuses on businesses rather than households or individuals. But during the financial crisis. And even after that, bills for contract workers and the privatization of public corporations that have been raised with the FKI as the main axis were unacceptable measures from my point of view.”

Yoo Min-joong gained more strength in his words.

“If I had received a loan from the IMF, I would have had to restructure like that… … Fortunately, it was avoided with the support of the General Secretary and the North.”

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Now, Minjoong Yoo’s words were like summarizing the psychology of the general public and companies in Korea ahead of the 16th presidential election.

After the financial crisis, the Korean political and financial circles, which suffered great national disgrace, and even in the private sector, voices of self-righteousness arose that the entire Korean economy had been overly arrogant and negligent.

In addition, the National Federation of Businesses and the Federation of Korean Industries, led by the Federation of Korean Industries, received great strength from the voices that the market and corporate freedom should be greatly strengthened in order to enhance corporate competitiveness and restore export competitiveness, and to abolish regulations and change to a flexible employment system represented by non-regular workers.

Although most of them were pro-business policies that represented the interests of companies, not the common people, they clearly tasted the potential of North Korea’s economic power during the currency crisis. Everyone was sharing.

‘Fellow citizens! Our economy popped champagne too early! And as a result, our companies moved to the North, and for three years, the Workers’ Party of Korea in Pyongyang, not the Blue House, had reached a dire situation where the sovereignty of the Korean economy was wrestled! So, even now, we must fasten our belts with the spirit that once again made the miracle of the Han River and invest all our energies in growth!’

Considering that one of the main factors that caused the foreign exchange crisis was the reckless borrowing of companies, it sounded pretty blatant, but even in the situation of the general public in Korea, such policies were quite convincing.

And it goes without saying that it was thanks to the Goryeo Ilbo, which served as a trumpeter for such discussions.

But now, little by little, the situation is changing.

“That’s not it. Of course, there is a reason for that, but… … What I am really worried about is whether this election will divide this country.”

“Division, which side and which side?”

“In all cases. Progressives and Conservatives, Saenara Party and Anti-Saenara Party, The Goryeo Ilbo and the Anti-Koryo Ilbo. And this election is the starting point, and I am afraid that the winning side will oppress the losing side and even try to annihilate it completely.”

“… … Politics always need enemies.”

“It’s not like that. It’s an adversarial symbiosis, but it’s a symbiosis anyway. But now, the current feeling among the Korean people… … This is hostility and hatred towards the opponent. The defeated side is driven to the root of evil by the victor, and the defeated camp sharpens its sword until the next election, wielding the sword of revenge even more brutally in the next election… … The politics of revenge, the politics of revenge, will return to this Republic of Korea. Not on the asphalt, but on the floor of the National Assembly and every office, classroom, conference room, market… … Maybe even in cyberspace. Maybe the local appraisal was a trailer.”

“… … .”

“All my life, I have been taking personal pain and preventing such things… … It is my small wish that such fires will be extinguished with this World Cup and that all the people will be united in one heart and one mind and unite during the World Cup.”

Jeonghwan looked out the car window without saying anything to Yu Min-jung’s sigh.

I came to Seoul with a lot of effort, but somehow my taste was bitter.

* * *

The first match of the 2002 Inter-Korean World Cup, which was held along with the opening ceremony on the first day, produced a shocking result enough to bury the splendid opening ceremony.

As Senegal smashed powerhouse France 1-0, the attention of the media and spectators around the world quickly shifted from the event of the meeting of the century between the leaders of the two Koreas and the joint opening declaration to the content of the game itself.

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No matter how the French national team’s proud ace, Zinedine Zidane, was absent due to an injury, watching the last champions lose to a weak team like Senegal, all players and spectators had a feeling that something would happen in this World Cup. I couldn’t help but lift

And there was only one person in this stadium, Jeonghwan, who knew that the foreboding would soon become true, but there was a variable that he did not expect.

In fact, it is a bit questionable whether it should be called a variable because it is a variable that we created ourselves.

“Our Republic has been assigned to Group H as the host country.”

“It’s a day after the match against South Korea, so we can go and see it. South Korea is in Group B… … The first match is two days later. Our first opponent is Poland… … Is there a stadium in Seoul? Where is our team’s first opponent?”

“This is Cameroon. Even if he’s not weak, he’s a good opponent. Especially considering the skills of our comrades who defeated Saudi Arabia this time… … .”

“That’s something you don’t know.”

‘I really don’t know.’

Jeonghwan thought so as he cut the speculations of the executives who followed Seoul next to him with a smile.

According to history, the Korean national team here beat Poland, Spain, the United States, and Italy one after another, and writes the myth of the semifinals until Germany’s dream of semi-finals is thwarted.

However, the problem is that as the Korea-Japan World Cup changed to the North-South World Cup, the stadium changed and the game conditions also changed.

The place for the first match against Poland, which should have been held in Busan right away, has been changed to Seoul.

‘Besides, what I’m really concerned about is… … .’

Jeonghwan’s worries were short-lived, but in the first match against Poland, the Korean national team won the World Cup for the first time in history by winning 2-0.

As I already knew, the Korean cheering squad and the Red Devils cheered that could only be described as explosive, heating up the entire stadium with excitement.

Even the North Korean executives who watched in the box seat with President Yu Min-jung were so spontaneous and passionate that they could not help but admire.

But Junghwan couldn’t help but enjoy this great heat.

If this heat moves in another direction, that is, in the form of revenge on the person who caused economic humiliation… … .

You might think it’s a rain, but if it’s 1/32, isn’t it a high enough probability in reality?

Hearing the cheers and cheers echoing as if they were about to leave, Jeonghwan clapped together, turned his head and whispered into Jang Seong-taek’s ear, who was sitting next to him, chairman of the Pyongyang World Cup Preparatory Committee.

“Comrade deputy chief. What is the probability that our Republic team and South Korea team will meet in the finals this time?”