Dear Comrade

Dear Comrade Leader, Episode 184

In a way, it was close to nagging, and the tone was lightly reprimanded, but since the person who brought up the story was the person who brought it up, the members of the Politburo, who had a relaxed atmosphere until a while ago, were nervous and had to straighten their posture.

Jeonghwan took this opportunity to tap the table with his finger as if he wanted to say something, and set out to catch the flag.

“Even though the economy of the Republic is booming right now, where did everyone hear my words to encourage domestic consumption made with the blood and sweat of the people? Right now, there is a report on how much tax exemption will be applied if a certain amount of the Republic’s corporate products are purchased from the Taxation Committee… … It is only when the members of the Politburo are doing this right now that the people will be able to listen straight away.”

“Cho, Comrade General Secretary… … I ordered it to be corrected immediately. We just want to let you know that the Workers’ Party is on the side of domestic and foreign companies that contribute to the economy of the republic by hosting foreign entrepreneurs and the heads of private enterprises in recent years… … .”

“Recently, it is a shame that the GDP growth rate in the first quarter of March barely kept 10%, but if the cadres continue to show shameful behavior like this, no matter how well the current manager and the propaganda and agitators do their jobs, the day will come when the people will speak of the party’s scorn. It will be soon.”

“… … .”

“Didn’t I say that the republic has now entered a time when it is necessary to make the people prosper rather than quantitatively? Recently, Director Kim Young-il’s comrade said that there is no work, but if it keeps coming out like this, I will consider expanding the scope and authority of the Investigation Bureau again. Do my comrades want me to do that?”

The entire small meeting room on the 8th floor became silent.

In a situation where all the executives were looking at each other with their eyes crooked, Jeonghwan looked at each of them with a dissatisfied look.

At that time, Yoo Hye-rim, who was sitting silently at a small desk next to (but closest to) Secretary General Seok, silently pressed herself close to him, stretched out her finger, and stably stabbed Jeong-hwan’s side.

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Now that everyone seemed to understand, it was their only signal that it was okay to stop catching mice.

‘Hey, you shouldn’t talk.’

Jeonghwan took a deep breath as he looked at the faces of the executives who did not know what to do.

Even if it wasn’t Yoo Hye-rim’s signal anyway, I thought it should be done in moderation.

For the past 10 years, we have worked desperately to revitalize the market economy and catch up with the gap far left behind by other countries, including South Korea, and now is the time to taste the fruits of that hard work to some extent.

So miraculously (as it seemed to other people and cadres) the gap was ‘to some extent’ and it succeeded in draining communism. there was

Although they worked side by side under the Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il regimes in the past, they are the ones who have been the hands and feet of Jeong-hwan and achieved today’s North Korea, as much as the leader cannot do everything.

What could be more effective than the sweetness of capitalism to serve as a motivation for themselves not to return to the pseudo-communist state of the past?

Of course, that doesn’t mean you can get drunk on the sweet water and become lax or corrupt.

“… … Or at least it’s a kind of people-friendly hobby. I’m not going to tell you to learn boxing or something like that, but try early soccer. That is also true of our party line. So, I’ll leave it to you.”

“You have carved the teachings into your bones! Comrade General Secretary!”

“Then let’s move on to the delayed Politburo meeting. What is your first agenda for today?”

When Jeonghwan stopped his voice like frost, only then did the party executives at the top and bottom of the table and members of the Politburo sighed as if they were alive and lifted their gazes that had fallen to the floor.

It was Jang Seong-taek, who is also the chairman of the External Economic Affairs Committee and vice-head of the Party Organizational Guidance Department, who quickly answered his question, fearing that Jung-hwan might return to the golf course story at any rate.

“It’s about the disposal of the Juche Tower. Comrade general secretary. As you know, President’s Tower of Juche, which was moved to build this new building, has been disassembled and stored well in the warehouse of a nearby air force airfield… … It seems that the final relocation location will have to be given down by the general secretary.”

“Ah, yes. That was it.”

Junghwan forgot to throw it away and frowned like a person who found rotting food in the corner of the refrigerator.

In fact, the expression was accurate both in parables and in reality.

“Hmm, as it is a monument commemorating the achievements of Chairman Kim Il-sung, the sun of the Korean people, it would be really embarrassing as his successor to leave it like this… … Any good opinions?”

The Juche Tower is literally a tower commemorating the founding of the Juche idea, the greatest achievement of the deceased Kim Il-sung.

It is an old story now, but as the Juche ideology was once a guiding ideology of North Korea, the importance of the Juche Tower, a building commemorating the founding of the ideology, was indescribable. there was.

An elevator and an observatory were also installed inside, and even when the electricity situation in the past was not so good, electricity was supplied first and always shined like a lighthouse in Pyongyang.

Looking at this alone, it is not necessary to emphasize how important this propaganda building was in the past by the Workers’ Party of Korea and the State.

However, a few years ago, this tower of the Juche idea was abruptly dismantled and moved to another location because the newly inaugurated general secretary declared that another building would be built on the site.

“Cho, Comrade General Secretary. No matter how long it takes, this is a little… … .”

“The legacy that President Kim Il-sung left for this republic and the people is the Juche idea, but rather our Party, this Workers’ Party of Korea. So, would there be any problem if we conceded the site of the Tower of Juche to the construction of the new building to commemorate the new start of the Workers’ Party of Korea?”

When the instruction to dismantle the Juche Tower and relocate the Juche Tower and build a new temple where they are now located was given, these were the words of Jeong Hwan in response to the slight protest (which has been raised for a long time).

What to do, Kim Il-sung has already died and became a handful of dirt, and the current leader is him.

However, despite these circumstances, the Juche Tower was stored in a nearby air force hangar along with several other propaganda castle buildings, such as the Cheonlima statue, as if it were seasonal clothes.

“Come on, give me your opinions. It is a task to preserve and honor the legacy and achievements of the past President, but I must decide not by myself, but by gathering the heads of all party members. Besides, it’s not right as a son to let Abaddy’s achievements he loves and admires like this forever.”

Some of the Politburo members seated at the table at Jeonghwan’s words, who seemed to be thinking something, quickly exchanged glances with each other’s eyes.

They guessed what their supreme leader wanted inside, and in particular, key executives, including Jang Seong-taek, Kim Yong-geon, and Hyun Young-sook, quickly read the sincerity of Jeong-hwan between the lines.

‘The general secretary wants us to carry our guns.’

Of course, they knew that Jung-hwan’s words, who were talking about his beloved Abadi, were a bright red lie, but at the same time, they also noticed why Jeong-hwan deliberately asked them for their opinions instead of making a decision on his own.

In a word, there is no justification to get rid of things that are difficult to deal with, isn’t it this story?

“Why don’t you leave only a part of it and move it to the tomb of the revolutionary martyrs of Daeseongsan, where the president was buried?”

“Oh, that’s a good idea, Comrade Zhang.”

This time too, it was Deputy Director Jang Seong-taek who came up with the first good idea.

He came to the present through the Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il eras, and he came up with a way to satisfy his heart faster than anyone else, while considering the current leader’s position with his skills from a long-time jjambap (?).

“I agree with Vice-President Jang’s opinion. Anyone else have a better idea?”

“… … .”

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No one opened their mouth.

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Now, and more than 10 years after taking office as general secretary, the Workers’ Party of Korea has gone through many changes.

And in the path of change, the Juche idea is a relic of the past, long after it could be eliminated.

Whether it was while Kim Il-sung was alive, it was clear that what Jeong-hwan wanted in a time when he had already solidified his line with state capitalism, a one-party development dictatorship, was to part with this legacy of his predecessor, the Juche ideology, in a decent way.

However, as a son and heir, it is difficult to say, ‘Don’t roughly break things up and recycle them as building materials’, so scratching your itchy back was an example of a wise loyalist.

Therefore, no one had the mind to say, ‘The Tomb of the Revolutionary Martyrs of Daeseongsan is absolutely a tomb, but I am afraid of how it will be reflected to the people by moving a symbol commemorating the Juche idea, the guiding ideology of our republic, on the tomb.

Rather, only voices in favor of Jang Sung-taek’s opinion came from all over the conference room.

“That is a very reasonable statement, Comrade General Secretary.”

“Indeed, Comrade Jang’s opinion is correct. The President would like to see his work closely.”

“It seems that no comrade is against it. Then let it be done.”

In this way, the symbol of the Juche ideology, the tower of Juche ideology, which has dominated North Korea for nearly half a century, was moved to the Tomb of the Revolutionary Martyrs of Daeseongsan Mountain, far away from the center of Pyongyang.

Although there will be no official announcement, conscious of the internal gaze and the people, the Workers’ Party of Korea actually said farewell to the Juche idea by literally sending it to the grave.

In fact, the problem that is causing Junghwan’s head to rot right now was a more practical problem than this pretense.

“Then the topic of the next meeting will be the DPRK-China joint military exercise this time around. Since the other side has shown strong will, I can’t cancel it, but I’ll have to adjust the size and the participating troops. Just so that our dear allies, Americans, will not be misunderstood.”

At Jeonghwan’s cynical remarks, the party officials also made a subtle expression of half bitterness and half displeasure, but they also understood that this training decision had no difference.

In recent years, under the leadership of Jiang Zemin, the Chinese economy, which began to grow rapidly in first-class cities such as Shanghai and Guangzhou, which are adjacent to the coast, has already stimulated Americans’ vigilance little by little.

“First of all, it is polite to adjust the water supply. How are the training content and venue adjustments going?”

“It has been decided to conduct a counter-terrorism operation training in the border area between China and Dandong. … … Our People’s Army barely ripped off the Chinese side’s offer to conduct amphibious amphibious drills against the Taiwanese Army.”

“Good job. Let the propaganda and agitation department report the facts only enough to save China’s face. State broadcasters, including Chosun Central Television, mention it in the first section, but there is no need to force private broadcasters and cable broadcasters to report it. After all, there must be something else we are trying to figure out through this training.”

After saying this, Jeonghwan turned his head and looked at Baek Seungcheol, who was sitting not far from him.

The time spent is time, so now you can trust this friend to do this amount of work.

“About that… … I believe that listed comrade Seungcheol Baek will explain our position well to China. Can I trust my comrade?”

“In the meantime, I am fully aware of the goals of the diplomatic war of the Republic that Comrade General Secretary is aiming for. Relations between nations can change at any time, so I will come here to remind them that an old alliance is precious.”

“… … .”

For a moment, their eyes crossed.

Unlike before, seeing Baek Seung-cheol staring straight into his eyes, Jung-hwan looked at him for a moment and then nodded.

“Trust your comrade.”

And a few months after the meeting, units of the Korean People’s Army of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the People’s Liberation Army of the People’s Republic of China, led by Baek Seung-cheol, assembled for a joint exercise at the Dandong-DPRK border.

Before the start of the training, a ritual greeting was exchanged, and the first words that the Chinese general gave to Baek Seung-cheol, who was present as the commander of the Korean People’s Army, were as expected by Jeong-hwan.

“Nice to meet you, back certificate. Before the training begins, I want to confirm one thing so that there is no misunderstanding between the two countries… … In fact, the Central Military Commission of our Party would like to take this opportunity to listen to the true meaning of Joseon for the sake of the future of Cho Jung-woo.”

“… … What is that truth?”

“I heard that the U.S. Army is planning to purchase 24 Apache attack helicopters (AH-64) to strengthen its forces.