Dear Comrade

＜ Chapter 30. The end of the world in 3 days, the fire of the world in 30 years (2) ＞

Chapter 30. The end of the world in 3 days, the fire of the world in 30 years (2)

“… North Korean leader? Is it Kim Jeong-hwan or a young friend who is close with officers from the Soviet Union? Why is that friend…”

“Turn it over to the speakerphone. Listen here with the ministers.”

Unlike Dick Cheney, who frowns and asks what this is, annoyed, Bush immediately pays attention and gives orders.

Dick Cheney was slightly dissatisfied with Bush’s decision, which seemed a bit hasty and not swift, but whispered in a low voice while hiding his feelings.

“… Your Excellency, as your Minister of Defense, I have to express my concerns. Aside from the reliability of the information, considering North Korea’s intelligence capabilities, it is highly unlikely that the North Korean leader will have the advanced information that must be heard by Gakhwa and all the cabinet members of the State Council in this urgent situation. No…”

“It’s something you have to hear. Didn’t you say with your mouth that the North Korean general secretary and officials in the regime are friendly with the Soviet Union and should be wary? So maybe you know more about the internal affairs of the Soviet Union than we do. After all, few places, including our Central Intelligence Agency, have the information I need to make decisions right now!”

“…………”

With Bush’s resolve, Dick Cheney still looked dissatisfied, but he kept his mouth shut, realizing that it was time to step down.

Soon, the speakerphone connected, and everyone at the table closed their mouths and listened.

Will North Korea’s young leader have any useful information in the first (unofficial) information cooperation?

And will President Bush trust information provided by a country he has been an ally of for less than half a year?

A young man’s fluent English was soon heard from the speakerphone connected to the other side of the world, receiving the gazes mixed with expectations and anxiety from these ministers.

“It has been a long time since my last visit to Pyongyang. President Bush. It seems like things are taking a drastic turn.”

“It really is. General Secretary Kim. My cabinet members and I have also stopped vacations and are now sitting in the White House. I heard that you have information you can give us about this Soviet coup.”

‘What is the intention of this friend to do this? It must be because there is something they want, or it may be a request to increase the size of ODA, or it may be simply a gesture of wanting to do well with us rather than the Soviet Union in the future, but it is not too late to judge after hearing this information. No matter what price the other side asks for, the US can pay enough.’

When Bush thought so, he skipped the greeting and went straight to the topic, and Jeong-hwan, who sat in the secretary’s office and made a phone call, went straight to the point as if responding to him.

“That’s right. The current coup must have been caused by the conservatives who want the Soviet Union to be maintained, led by Vice President Yazoev.

“Hmm, to be honest, yes. What is going on in Moscow and the Kremlin right now, and whether General Gorbachev is safe, everything is in the dark.”

“In conclusion, the coup d’état by the conservatives will fail. So I would like to advise the President to support General Gorbachev and make a statement from the other side of the coup.”

Jeonghwan’s words heard through the speakerphone caused a small wave on the table.

Some cabinet members, including Colin Powell, seemed reassured even though they had a long-awaited expression on their faces, but most of the cabinet members, including Dick Cheney, gave a cold snort and showed an open disbelief.

But in any case, Bush still questioned it again, with neither positive nor negative reactions.

“I think there must be a reason for General Secretary Kim making such a judgment, could you please explain the reason?”

“It’s because I trust the capabilities of my country’s intelligence agencies. Our General Bureau of Foreign Reconnaissance boasts the best capabilities in the anti-Soviet intelligence network. Based on the reports of our agents and informants working in the Soviet Union, it was commonly expected that the reaction of Moscow citizens to the coup was negative. I am sure that the coup forces will soon encounter strong opposition from the people.”

“…I am sorry, but General Secretary Kim, any popular uprising will never be successful without a political leader who can be the focal point. Especially in a country like the Soviet Union.”

The main character of this cynic voice was, as everyone expected, Defense Secretary Dick Cheney.

It was as if he had intervened in his boss’s conversation, but whether he thought it was a reasonable enough suspicion or that he was just getting what he had to say, Bush allowed Cheney to continue talking to Jung-hwan.

“In my experience, it is difficult to succeed even with a leader. It is clear that the conservatives have already persuaded a considerable number of military units to take command, and they will not hesitate to suppress the popular uprising by force. Then all Moscow will be stained with blood. Just like in Tiananmen, China. Communists are those who have no hesitation in slaughtering their own people while shouting at the people with their mouths. I appreciate General Secretary Kim’s enthusiasm, but in this situation, we, the United States, are acting responsibly as a police officer in the international community…”

“There are political leaders. Yeltsin, the current President of the Russian Federation, was elected two months ago. It seems that the coup forces have failed to catch up, but that will be their decisive mistake. And besides that, General Gorbachev is still alive.”

“……I beg your pardon?”

At Jeonghwan’s assertive tone, Dick Cheney’s face hardened as if he didn’t expect it this time.

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Not only that, but Bush, and all the officials at the state council meeting, looked at each other in amazement and chattered.

Bush intervened again hastily.

“You mean that General Gorbachev is alive? And Boris Yeltsin wasn’t detained? Can we trust the information?”

“If you wish, I can also tell you where Comrade Gorbachev is detained. He is currently under pension in a villa located in Poros, Ukraine.”

“…and incredibly detailed information. Can you tell me the source as well?”

“I have to say that it is one of the Soviet intelligence networks of our General Bureau of Foreign Reconnaissance. Believe it or not, I can assure you, that when it comes to intelligence against the Soviet Union, it is superior to the US Central Intelligence Agency. There are a lot of friends among our Workers’ Party officials who have close ties to the Soviet Union, well, Defense Minister Dick Cheney knows better about this…”

There was a bit of sarcasm at the end of Jeonghwan’s words, but the cabinet members, including Bush, were not already thinking about such a thing.

Gorbachev is alive, and Yeltsin, popular with Moscow citizens, is still not detained and is guaranteed freedom of action.

The biggest problem was the uncertainty of the source of the information, but President George Herbert Walker Bush, a former CIA director, was accustomed to making decisions based on uncertain information.

And this time he made a decision.

“Secretary Baker, prepare a statement. It would be better to use the content as an accusation against the constitutional violations and destruction of freedom by the coup forces.”

“Sir, it’s not that I don’t believe in General Secretary Kim, but you have to think a little more carefully…”

“Dick, I told you to be strong. this is my choice Sending a message to the world that the United States of America is a country that prioritizes principles, principles and causes above all else before pulling out a gun. I have already made a decision.”

“……!! In that case, I respect your choice.”

Dick Cheney immediately lowered his tail, knowing that Bush had already hardened his heart.

It was such a quick change of posture that even Jeonghwan, who was listening from the other side of the sea, raised his tongue, but if Junghwan could see Dick Cheney’s expression right in front of him, he would have immediately noticed that he was still waiting for the next opportunity.

“Thank you for helping me make a decision. General Secretary. We also need to verify the accuracy of the information, but apart from that, let’s see how much North Korea cares about its relationship with the United States. Then, I hope that there will be many cooperation and efforts for the common good between the two countries in the future.”

And the phone hung up.

When Jeonghwan put the handset down on the desk phone in the secretary’s office, the secretary, Hyerim Yoo, who was listening next to him, asked Junghwan with a curious face.

“…what does the US imperialist president say?”

“Thanks for your help, he said he would check it out. But I’ve already made a decision. America will stand on the other side of the coup.”

“…Then, for now, that means that they haven’t promised anything over there.”

“It is inevitable that my information has not been verified. But that’s just a matter of time. In three days it will be revealed that I was all right.”

At Jeonghwan’s confident words, Hyerim Yoo nodded her head inwardly, even though it was a long thought.

This man he had known so far was never a nonsensical person.

Anything that that person promises with that expression has been successful so far, no matter how absurd it may seem to him and others.

That was the conclusion that Hyerim Yoo, who had decided to devote herself to the existence of Jeonghwan.

However, there were still unanswered questions.

“…By the way, Comrade General Secretary.”

“What is it, Lieutenant Yu?”

“Since when did our General Bureau of Foreign Reconnaissance plant so many fixed spies in the Soviet Union? If it was enough to find out the villa where Comrade Gorbachev was imprisoned in one day, wouldn’t there be a lot of unknowns? It has been less than a month since Comrade Ri Jong-su took office as director, and I do not know how such a feat is possible.”

“yes?”

At Yoo Hye-rim, who tilted her head and asked a question, Jung-hwan laughed.

From the perspective of Yu Hye-rim, a former Frunze native and a student of the Soviet Union, Jeong-hwan’s palm of the hand is the Soviet Union’s internal affairs, which is the leader of the communist camp (of course, it cannot be expressed in words) and is no less than the merchant country of North Korea, which is considered to be at a higher rank than the leader and general. It was only natural that it was strange to know as if looking into it.

Moreover, he knows best how thorough and irresponsible the Soviet counterintelligence agency, the KGB, is a terrifying organization. it was unstoppable.

While admiring Jeong-hwan’s tremendous abilities, Hye-rim Yoo knew that she was the closest person who had brought Jeong-hwan from her exile in Japan under the guise of studying abroad, and even felt sad that she was unaware of the existence of such an organization. .

However, to Hye-rim Yoo, who looked at her with such awe-inspiring eyes, Jung-hwan secretly told her a secret.

“Um… Lieutenant Yu, the truth is…”

“Yes, comrade general secretary?”

“Actually, there is no such thing as an espionage network.”

“……yes?”

“…at least for now, that is.”

To Yoo Hye-rim, who looked at her with a blank expression, Jung-hwan said with a slightly sorry expression for disappointing her.

The fact that Jeong-hwan had said to Bush (and Dick Cheney) and that he had obtained information such as the location of Gorbachev from a Soviet spy planted by the General Bureau of Foreign Reconnaissance was half-truth and half-false.

In fact, Jeong-hwan recently appointed Ri Jong-su, director of the reconnaissance general, and instructed him to focus the espionage warfare in other directions, especially China and Russia.

In the first place, like Ri Jong-su, while studying in Frunze with Baek Seung-cheol, he hired many officers from Frunze who knew the internal affairs of the Soviet Union and human networks better than anyone else.

Of course, they didn’t just trust their personal connections, of course, and they didn’t forget that Peony Holdings allocated a huge amount of dollars earned from the collapse of the Japanese bubble economy as a budget.

Due to the side effects of Gorbachev’s radical reform and opening-up policy, the Soviet economy and the people’s living standards were already at an end. will put

And if Boris Yeltsin comes to power after this coup, as Jeonghwan predicted now, the speed at which the Soviet economy, or even the Russian economy, is going to bottom will be even faster.

But for now, that was just that.

‘I’m not a god, how can I build such an all-around intelligence network in such a short time of less than 3 years?’

In the present age, in the 90s, the spy network is still human information, the so-called Humint.

After a while, signal information such as military satellites or radio wave interception becomes the mainstream, but for now, it is traditionally traditional to send spies disguised as diplomats. .

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No matter how talented Jeong-hwan, who took office as general secretary just three years ago and became the supreme leader a year ago, was not for the knowledge of future people, it would be impossible to know the place where Gorbachev was buried by the conservatives, the top leaders of the Soviet Union. .

People and human resources are, in a sense, fields that require a lot of time and effort to nurture much more than capital or technology.

‘Actually, for now, the whole republic is like that.’

When such a thought suddenly came to mind, Jeonghwan tapped the desk with his finger.

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No matter how much reform and opening up, astronomical dollars accumulated in the sovereign wealth fund, and the change of course to a pro-American country, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is still in a situation where it is difficult to enter a developing country, both in terms of economic indicators and in the world’s perception.

There is no national convention center, let alone a national representative company, and the majority of people have to teach the terms and principles of basic market economy systems such as investment and deposits.

At least, they are carrying out economic development by bringing in entrepreneurs such as Chairman Jung Moon-young from abroad and providing all kinds of benefits to foreign companies.

In fact, the reason he farts to the United States while providing information that he did not even ask for now is not to maintain the value of himself and of North Korea as much as possible in the United States.

“Twitter, there is plenty of work ahead. At this time, it is comforting to know that Japan is in a more serious collapse than it used to be, but the problem is that China does not know where it will go…”

“yes? Comrade general secretary?”

“No, nothing. Anyway, I’ll have to keep an eye out for news from Moscow for the next few days. I wonder how quickly the US will make a statement.”

“How long will this coup last?”

“Three days, maybe even sooner.”

And on that very day, at noon, Bush made the official U.S. position to the world.

The statement, which was summarized with the purport that “the act of disposing of President Gorbachev of the Soviet Union is unconstitutional and hinders development,” contained a message of condemning the conservative forces responsible for the coup and acknowledging that Gorbachev was still the leader of the Soviet Union.

In line with this, Western European countries, including Britain and Germany, also started responding to the Soviet Union by suspending economic aid.

Up to this point, it was according to what Junghwan knew, but the problem was China.

China, which was expected to support the coup d’état in its original history, but showed no response, issued a subtle statement that seemed to support the actions of the conservatives.

– As comrades who follow the same socialist line, we want the Soviet people to be able to decide their own destiny while avoiding violence as much as possible. Also, I hope that foreign powers that interfere with this will realize that meddling in other countries’ internal affairs is damaging the order of the international community.

“Don’t interfere in domestic affairs… Comrades who follow the socialist line… In a word, Western capitalist countries should take care of their business… The target is the Soviet Union, but in reality they are what they want to say, It is a foreign force, but in reality, it is speaking to the United States.”

It was Jeong-hwan’s reaction to the statement from the Chinese Foreign Ministry released that evening.

Since the last Tiananmen disaster, the internal situation in China has felt uneasy, but it seems that the anxiety is finally starting to surface.

And at that time, in front of the Russian Parliament, a man was climbing up the turret of a tank blocking the crowd that had gathered like a cloud.

“Citizens of Russia, on the night of 18 and 19 August 1991, President Gorbachev, elected by lawful elections in this country, abdicated his powers! Whatever the reason why he had to be fired, we are facing such a far-right, arrogant and illegal coup !”